The following article originally appeared as “Did Constantine Decide the New Testament Canon?” Midwestern Journal of Theology 8.2/9.1 (Fall 2009): 102-114. In this blog I present it just as it first appeared retaining the original page numbers. The only exceptions to this is my filling some data in in footnote 18 relating to a book being quoted, that I had neglected to include in the original article. I indicate the new addition there by placing it in brackets. The above picture at the head of the blog also did not appear in the original. Those interested in the topic might also be interested in "Why Does Richard Dawkins Think The Counsel of Nicaea Chose The Gospels When He Might Have Easily Been Better Informed? "and "On Not Knowing The Difference Between a 'Synoptic' And A 'Canonical' Gospel" (more to come)
Ronald V. Huggins*
Associate Professor of NT and Greek
Midwestern Baptist theological Seminary
Blaming Constantine, the first Christian emperor, for determining which
books would be included in New Testament is hardly new. People have been doing
it for a couple of centuries at least. Given how often we hear the charge being
made nowadays, on television, in magazines, in the kind of books one finds
heaped on display tables at Borders and Barnes & Noble—books of the sort
Boston University’s Pheme Perkins describes so wonderfully as “‘religion lite’
for the PBS crowd”1—many of us, especially here in America, may be
surprised to discover that no credible scholars actually credit the charge. So,
for example, even the gifted Bart D. Ehrman—who has increasingly established
his own credibility with the “religion lite” crowd by famously losing the evangelical
faith he feels sure he once had 2—has correctly pointed out that the
“emperor Constantine had nothing to do with the
formation of the canon of scripture: he
did not choose which books to include or exclude, and he did not order the destruction of the Gospels
that were left out of the canon.”3
__________________
∗ Dr. Huggins is managing editor of the Midwestern Journal
of Theology.
1 Pheme Perkins, “Getting Past Orthodox
Doctrine,” America (July 7-14, 2003): 24.
2 See, e.g., Christopher Hitchens’s
admiring description of Ehrman as “a very serious young man named Barton Ehrman
[who] began to examine his own fundamentalist assumptions,” in god is not Great:
How Religion Poisons Everything (New York: Twelve, 2009), 120.
3 Bart D. Ehrman, Truth and Fiction in The Da Vinci Code (New York:
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Those inclined
to ignore such statements and continue to credit the claim invariable point to
two different moments in Constantine’s imperial career as significant. Some say
Constantine decided the canon in cahoots with the Council of Nicaea in AD 325,
others that it was when he sent an order for 50 Bibles to Eusebius of Caesarea
in AD 331.
I. CONTRADICTORY SOURCES
Dan
Brown’s The Da Vinci Code came in
with an impressive bang but went out with a fizzling whimper. As so often
happens, what once seemed to engage the attention of the whole world—I remember
stepping into a tiny book shop in Ljubljana on a sunny September afternoon back
in 2006 only to be confronted by a copy of Brown’s novel prominently displayed
on the counter, in Slovenian!—has now
fallen from its former glory and been replaced by a series of sappy novels and
movies featuring what I gather is supposed to be a hunky vampire. I recollect
Brown’s contribution here only as a convenient (and still, hopefully, somewhat familiar)
entry point into the subject at hand.
While
cobbling together the pseudo-historical underpinnings for his The Da Vinci Code, Dan Brown relied on
one source, Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince’s The Templar Revelation (1997), that argued for the former moment
when the canon was decided, and another, Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and
Henry Lincoln’s Holy Blood, Holy Grail
(1983), that argued for the latter. In his novel, Brown lists both these titles
as being on the bookshelf the character Leigh Teabing “ran his finger down” while
explaining to Sophie Neveu how the “royal bloodline of Jesus Christ has been
chronicled in exhaustive detail by scores of historians.”4 Readers
of the novel who remember this list might be interested to know that none of
the authors mentioned would in any sense be recognized as credible historians
by credible historians.
At
any rate, when making their case, Picknett and Prince tie the supposed Nicene
selection of some books and suppression of others to the early Church’s
supposed fear of the power of an alternative Christianity led by the followers
of Mary Magdalene. In reality, no such issue was discussed at Nicaea. But in
any case, here is what Picknett and Prince say:
The Council of Nicaea, when it rejected
the many Gnostic Gospels and voted to include only Matthew, Mark, Luke, and
John in the New Testament, had no divine mandate for this major act of
_________________
Oxford
University Press, 2004), 74.
4 Dan Brown, The Da Vinci Code (New York: Doubleday, 2003), 253.
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censorship. They acted out of
self-preservation, for by that time—the fourth century—the power of the
Magdalene and her followers was already too widespread for the patriarchy to
cope with.5
This
was not the view presented by Dan Brown in his novel. It was however the one
put forward in the film version, as is seen in the following lines from the
movie script:
TEABING
To strengthen the new Christian tradition,
Constantine held a famous ecumenical gathering known as the Council of Nicaea.
In
a cavernous room now behind Teabing, robed men including
Constantine SHOUT at each other around a
large stone table.
TEABING (over)
And at this council, the many sects of
Christianity debated and voted on–everything from the acceptance and rejection
of specific gospels to the date of Easter to the administration of sacraments.6
In
contrast to the movie, Dan Brown has Teabing say in the book that “Constantine
commissioned and financed a new Bible, which omitted those gospels that spoke
of Christ’s human traits and embellished those gospels that made Him godlike.
The earlier Gospels were outlawed, gathered up, and burned.”7 The use of the word “commissioned” probably suggests that Brown
is following Holy Blood, Holy Grail, which claims that “in AD
331, he [Constantine] commissioned and financed new copies of the Bible. This
constituted one of the single most decisive factors in the entire history of
Christianity and provided Christian orthodoxy . . . with an unparalleled
opportunity.”8
If
Bart D. Ehrman is right in saying Constantine had nothing to do with the choice of the New Testament
books then from whence do these two
stories that say he did come from?
_____________
5 Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince, The Templar Revelation: Secret Guardians of
the True Identity of Christ (New York: Simon & Shuster, A Touchstone Book, 1997), 261.
6 Akiva Goldsman, The Da Vinci Code: Illustrated Screenplay (New York: Broadway
Books, 2006), 116.
7 Brown, Code, 234.
8 Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and
Henry Lincoln, Holy Blood, Holy Grail
(New York: Dell, 1983), 368
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II. THE SYNODICON
VETUS AND THE MIRACLE OF THE LEAPING GOSPELS
The
claim that the canon of the New Testament was decided at the Council of Nicaea
goes back to a fanciful miracle story that was originally intended to give
positive support to the New Testament Canon. It derives from a single
ninth-century work written in Greek known as the Synodicon Vetus, in the following
passage:
The canonical and apocryphal books it
[the Nicene Council] distinguished in the following manner: in the house of God
the books were placed down by the holy altar then the council asked the Lord in
prayer that the inspired works be found on top and—as in fact happened—the
spurious on the bottom.9
What
happened according to this story, in other words, was that all of the books
that were contenders for canonicity were placed on the floor by the altar, and
after prayer, the canonical ones leapt up onto the altar, while the apocryphal
ones stayed put on the floor.
But
is the Synodicon Vetus a reliable source for the history of the
Nicene Council? In fact it is not. It is in reality an anonymous history of
church councils from the beginnings of Christianity down to the year AD 887,
and the value of its testimony, as historian Henry Chadwick aptly remarks,
“increases sharply as the author nears his own time.”10 Both
the lateness of the leaping gospels story (it supposedly happened in AD 325 but
wasn’t reported until AD 887) and its hokey fancifulness, have caused
historians (rightfully I believe) to leave it entirely out of account. So, for
example, Benjamin Foss Westcott wrote in the nineteenth century that “neither
in this [i.e., the Council of Nicaea] nor the following Councils were the
Scriptures themselves ever the subject of discussion.”11 Similarly,
New Testament scholar and Jesus Seminar member Roy Hoover more recently writes:
How did the Church decide finally on
what to include and what to exclude? Unfortunately, our sources are mute on the
issue. The
_______________
9 John Duffy and John Parker The Synodicon Vetus (Corpus Fontium
Historiae Byzantine XV; Washington, D. C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1979), 29.
10 “Review of John Duffy and John Parker The Synodicon Vetus (Corpus Fontium
Historiae Byzantine XV; Washington, D. C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1979),”Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 33.1
(April 1982): 301.
11 Benjamin Foss Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon
of the New Testament (6th ed.; Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1980 [1889]), 430.
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Council of Nicea in 325 did not address
the question, and neither Eusebius nor Athanasius nor any other writer from the
period tells us how this came about.12
In
spite of this, the story did become popular among writers of dubious
credibility in the nineteenth century after Spiritualists and Theosophists,
like Andrew Jackson Davis,13 Laurence
Oliphant,14 and most importantly the colorful,
chain-smoking, prophetess from Yekaterinoslav, Madame Helena Petrovna Blavatsky,15 took it up and promoted it as an
authentic ancient account, even perhaps an eyewitness account,16 of the goings on at the council of
Nicaea. Even today the story continues to be repeated uncritically by Moslem
apologists, like Muhammad ‘Ata ur-Rahim and Ahmad Thomson,17 and “religion lite” writers like Neil
Douglas-Klotz.18
III. CONSTANTINE’S 50
BIBLES (AD 331)
The
second story rests on a letter Constantine wrote to Eusebius of Caesarea in AD
331 requesting 50 copies of the Scriptures to keep pace with the growth of
churches in the emperor’s new capital of Constantinople (modern Istanbul),
which he had consecrated the year before. Since the letter has survived, and
since so much has been made of it, we reproduce it in its entirety:
(1) Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus
to Eusebius.
In the City which bears our name by the
sustaining providence of the Saviour God a great mass of people has attached
itself to the most holy Church, so that with everything there enjoying great
growth it is
________________
12 Roy W. Hoover, “How the Books of the New
Testament Were Chosen,” Bible Review
(April 1993): 47.
13 Andrew Jackson Davis, The Penetralia; Being Harmonial Answers to Important
Questions (rev. and enl. ed.; Boston, MA: Colby & Rich, Banner Publishing House, 1872), 225.
14 Laurence Oliphant, Scientific Religion, or Higher Possibilities of Life and
Practice through the Operation of
Natural Forces (London, UK: William Blackwood, 1888),
105-106.
15 Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, Isis Unveiled (3 vols.; 6th ed.; New
York: J. W. Bouton, 1891 [orig. ed., 1877]), 2:251-52.
16 As for example, did Madame Blavatsky,
Isis Unveiled, 2:252.
17 Muhammad ‘Ata ur-Rahim and Ahmad
Thomson, Jesus: Prophet of Islam
(rev. ed.; New York: Tahrike Tarsile Qur’an, 2003), 105.
18 Neil Douglas-Klotz, Hidden Gospel: Decoding the Spiritual Message of the Aramaic Jesus [(Wheaton, Ill.:
Quest Books, Theosophical Publishing House,] 1999),
14.
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particularly fitting that more churches
should be established. (2) Be ready therefore to act urgently on the decision
which we have reached. It appeared proper to indicate to your Intelligence that
you should order 50 volumes with ornamental leather bindings, easily legible
and convenient for portable use to be copied by skilled calligraphists well
trained in the art, copies that is of the Divine Scriptures, the provision and
use of which you well know to be necessary for reading in church. (3) Written
instructions have been sent by our Clemency to the man who is in charge of the
diocese that he see to the supply of all the materials needed to produce them.
The preparation of the written volumes with utmost speed shall be the task of
your Diligence. (4) You are entitled by the authority of this our letter to the
use of two public vehicles for transportation. The fine copies may thus most
readily be transported to us for inspection; one of the deacons of your own congregation
will presumably carry out this task, and when he reaches us he will experience
our generosity.
God preserve you, dear brother.19
Immediately
following the letter, Eusebius, who preserved it for us in his biography
of Constantine, reports: “These then were the Emperor’s instructions.
Immediate
action followed upon his word, as we sent him threes and fours in richly
wrought bindings.”20 It is
interesting that in addition to the promotion, this second view gets from the
sort of conspiracy mongers Dan Brown turns to for “expert evidence” in writing
his novels, we find it being defended as well by, as it were, both the
theologically far right (King James Only advocates), and far left (certain
members of the Jesus Seminar). Naturally each group advocates it with vastly
different ends in view.
IV. CONSTANTINE’S 50 BIBLES AND KING JAMES ONLY
King
James Only advocates look to the letter as proof that Eusebius and Constantine
conspired together to foist a corrupted version of the Bible upon the Church, a
version that promotes the Arian heresy, which denies the deity of Christ, and
that lies behind most modern English translations of the Bible. In addition, they
regularly assert that the famous fourth-century biblical manuscripts, Vaticanus
and Sinaiticus,
_________________
9 Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4:36 (Clarendon Ancient History Series; trans.
Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall; Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1999),
166-167.
20 Eusebius, Life of Constantine 4:37 (ET: Cameron & Hall).
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were among the
50 Bibles produced for Constantine by Eusebius. For these advocates, it is less
a question
of which books
were included in the New Testament than which passages are different from the
way they appear in the KJV, especially where they seem to diminish emphasis on
the deity of Christ or the Trinity.
In
general, King James Only advocates praise the Byzantine family of manuscripts,
which represents the majority of extant New Testament manuscripts, and unjustly
demonize the Alexandrian family, which represents the earliest extant New
Testament manuscripts.21 A
striking example of this in relation to the story of Constantine and his 331
Bible order comes from the famous Christian tract writer Jack T. Chick, who includes
the following frames in his booklet, “The Attack.”22
___________________
21 As one can see, for example, in places
where more modern translations of the Bible, though giving preference to
Alexandrian manuscripts over Byzantine nevertheless offer translations that
actually reflect a higher Christology than we find in the parallel passages in
the KJV (Compare, for example, the NIV and the
KJV
translations of John 1:8 and Rom 9:5).
22 J.T.C. “The Attack,” (1985).
23 David W. Daniels, Babylon Religion: How a Babylonian [G]oddess became the Virgin Mary, (illustrated by Jack T. Chick; Ontario, CA.
Chick Publications, 2006), 161.
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Chick is, of
course, incorrect in describing Constantine as the “first Pope,” as indeed
Daniels is as well in asserting that the destination of the 50 Bibles was Rome.
In
any case, Chick’s and Daniels’s King James Only arguments here, whether the two
authors realize it or not, are rooted in a book by Frederick Nolan published in
1815 entitled An Enquiry into the Integrity of the Greek Vulgate, or Received
Text of the Greek. I say “rooted” because Nolan’s book pre-dates by several
decades several important formative events that would contribute significantly
to the development of the full blown King James Only position as we know it
today. One of these was, of course, Constantin von Tischendorf’s discovery of
the Bible manuscript Sinaiticus at Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai, in 1844.
Nolan
argued that the letter of the emperor ordering the 50 Bibles actually granted
Eusebius “discretionary power” to undertake a new edition of the New Testament
in which he was free to make textual excisions and amendments. Eusebius, Nolan
said, removed those parts of Scripture . . . which he judged to be neither
conducive to use nor doctrine, and which are now marked as probable
interpolations in the Received Text. They amount principally to the following;
the account of the woman taken in adultery, John vii. 53. — viii. II. and three
texts which assert in the strongest manner the mystery of the Trinity, of the
Incarnation, and Redemption, i John v.7. i Tim. iii. 16. Acts xx.28.24
________________
24
Frederick Nolan, An Enquiry into the Integrity of the Greek Vulgate, or Received Text of
the Greek (London, UK: For F. C. and J. Rivington, 1815), 26-
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Nolan based his
argument on an idiosyncratic translation of a single word in Constantine’s
letter at the place where the emperor had said: “It appeared proper to indicate
to your Intelligence that you should order 50 volumes.” Nolan translated the
bolded word “Intelligence” —synesis in
Greek—as “consideration.” As early as 1818, however, Thomas Falconer, the
editor of the Oxford Strabo, had already demonstrated from Constantine’s usage
of synesis here and in other letters
that it was for him a form of respectful address, like “your Grace,” only in
this case “your Intelligence.”25
Falconer
was right and has been followed by later translators, including Averil Cameron
and Stuart G. Hall, whose recent translation for
the Oxford University Press’s Clarendon Ancient History Series, we have
followed here.
Yet
beyond this, even if we were generous and granted Nolan his peculiar
translation of synesis, it would still
fall far short of providing him with the support he needed to establish the
idiosyncratic thesis he wanted to build upon it.
Despite
Nolan’s view having been effectively refuted nearly two centuries ago, his
argument was afterward picked up in defense of a King James Only position by
Seventh Day Adventist author Benjamin G. Wilkinson in the book Our Authorized Bible Vindicated (1930).26
From thence, it was mediated to current
King James Only circles when David Otis Fuller reprinted Wilkinson’s book in
the 1970s in the famous King James Only classic Which Bible? 27
After
Sinaiticus was discovered in 1844, a possible connection between it and
Vaticanus on the one hand and Constantine’s 50 Bibles on the other again became
a matter of scholarly interest. Scholars wondered whether Vaticanus’s three
columns per-page and Sinaticius’s four might help explain the very ambiguous
statement in Eusebius where he says: “we sent him [Constantine] threes and fours
in richly wrought bindings.” Could the reference to “threes and fours” be to
the number of columns per-page used in the 50 Bibles?28 If
so, the fact that Vaticanus and
__________________
27.
25 Thomas Falconer, The Case of Eusebius of Caesarea, Bishop, and Historian, Who is said by
Mr. Nolan to have Mutilated Fifty Copies of the Scriptures Sent to Constantine;
Examined (Oxford: At the University Press, 1818), 5-6.
26 Benjamin G. Wilkinson, Our Authorized Bible Vindicated
(Washington, D.C.: n.p., 1930).
27 David Otis Fuller, Which Bible? (3d ed.; Grand Rapids, MI: Grand Rapids International
Publications, 1972).
28 See, e.g., Kirsopp Lake “The Sinaitic
and Vatican Manuscripts and the
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Sinaiticus
belong to the Alexandrian family of biblical manuscripts rather than the
Byzantine family (i.e., those manuscripts especially associated with
Constantinople as the capital of the Byzantine empire) would seem to rule out
our making more of the fact than that Vaticanus and Sinaiticus are like the manuscripts Eusebius delivered
to Constantine, in terms of their having the same number of columns. They
would, however, likely have been unlike
them in terms of the form of their respective texts, i.e., the manuscript
families they followed.29 In other words, we should not really
think these two manuscripts were produced as part of Constantine’s 50 Bibles.
V. CONSTANTINE’S 50 BIBLES AND THE SCHOLARS
The
occasional use of the 331 argument by scholars focuses once again on the list
of New Testament books rather than on the form of the New Testament text. My
friend Robert M. Price, one of the most radical members of the Jesus Seminar,
says in his book The Pre-Nicene New Testament (2006):
Eusebius tells us how Constantine had 50
deluxe vellum copies of the New Testament manufactured and sent to prelates all
over the empire, this of course implying a fixed text. We cannot help thinking
of the Islamic tradition that, to stifle theological debates in which opponents
appealed to different texts of the Koran, the Caliph Uthman called in all known
variant copies, had his scholars standardize an official text, and burned the
earlier ones. The distribution of a New Testament codex from the home office by
Constantine must have had the same effect of establishing an official list.30
Roy Hoover, whom
we have already quoted against the claim that the New Testament was decided at
the Council of Nicaea, writes somewhat more modestly:
Eusebius . . . knew that these new
bibles prepared for the capital city would play an important role in the unity
of the church . . . the New
_______________________
Copies
sent by Eusebius to Constantine,” Harvard
Theological Review 11 (1918): 32-35.
29 A point made, for example, by F. F.
Bruce, The Canon of Scripture
(Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1988), 204.
30 Robert M. Price, The Pre-Nicene New Testament: Fifty-four Formative Texts (Salt Lake
City, UT: Signature Books, 2006), xv-xvi.
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Testament canon was settled for all
practical purposes when Constantine gave the order to create 50 bibles. Their
publication was pa[l]pable evidence of the unity of the church and hence the
unity of the empire.31
{112}More recently
David L. Dungan wrote an entire book promoting this idea:
After Constantine’s Bible had been
produced, and in the tense atmosphere that followed the Council of Nicaea, what
bishop would dare to use a Bible in his cathedral that differed in content from
one used by the bishops in Constantinople? He would likely be informed upon and
investigated. He could lose his office or worse!”32
All
three scholars’ assertions overreach the evidence. Price is simply wrong in
saying that Constantine had Bibles “sent to prelates all over the empire.
Constantine speaks in the letter only of ordering bibles for the churches of
the city of Constantinople. Nothing is said about Bibles being sent anywhere
else. In addition, several features of the supposed parallel with the incident
where Caliph Uthman is supposed to have “called in all known variant copies [of
the Koran], had his scholars standardize an official text, and burned the
earlier ones,” are not supported by the anything in Constantine’s letter, which
is the only evidence relating to the
50 Bible order. The letter says nothing whatever of calling in variant copies
or of burning anything! Nor does it even speak of which New Testament books the
50 Bibles were to contain. It speaks only to the quality of writing and
materials from which they were to be produced.
In contrast to Price, Hoover gets it
right about the destination of the 50 Bibles, i.e., Constantinople. Still, he
too transgresses the boundaries set by the evidence when he asserts that “the
New Testament canon was settled for all practical purposes when Constantine
gave the order to create 50 bibles.”
_____________________
31
Roy W. Hoover, “How The Canon Was
Determined,” The Fourth R 5.1 (Jan
1992): 5, 7. A slightly modified version of this same article is the one we
cited earlier: Roy W. Hoover, “How the Books of the New Testament Were Chosen,”
Bible Review (April 1993): 44-47. A
slightly more modest version of this quote (with palpable spelled right) appears on p. 47 of that article.
32
David L. Dungan, Constantine’s Bible: Politics and the Making of the New Testament
(London: SMC Press, 2006), 122. See further, e.g., Charles Matson Odahl, Constantine and the Christian Empire
(London: Routledge, 2004), 251.
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Finally,
Dungan’s assertion about the “tense atmosphere” following the Council of Nicaea
making it dangerous for bishops to use of Bible manuscripts that in any way
differed as to their lists of books from Constantine’s 50
Bibles is pure surmise, and besides rings false to the real historical situation,
at least as I read it.
Having
said that, it is certainly reasonable to suppose that the form of the text and
the list of books followed in New Testaments used in the capital of the empire
could not help but influence what came to be preferred and used elsewhere. But
what exactly was the form of the text Eusebius used in preparing Constantine’s
Bibles, and which books were included? Actually we have not a clue. The letter
says nothing about that. Hoover supposes that the canon list followed there was
the same as the one given in the 367 Easter letter of Athanasius of Alexandria,
and the same which our New Testaments follow today.33 But
where is his proof? Again he offers none because there is none. Vaticanus and
Sinaiticus provide no
support for the idea either. Sinaiticus does not agree with Athanasius’s list.
It includes two additional works, the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of
Hermas, the latter of which is explicitly ruled non-canonical by Athanasius’s
letter. As for Vaticanus, it breaks off at Hebrews 9:14, which, given its adherence
to a different, ancient order of books, means that the end of Hebrews, 1 and 2
Timothy, Titus, Philemon, and the Revelation are missing . . . and what else?
If we add for good measure the famous fifth-century uncial, Codex Alexandrinus,
things are merely complicated further by the fact that that manuscript includes
two other works not approved by Athanasius’s list: 1 and 2 Clement, in addition
to which, “An ancient table of contents prefixed to the entire manuscript shows
that II Clement was followed by the apocryphal Psalms of Solomon, which
concluded the volume.”34 It should be noted that all the extra books mentioned
were not considered heretical by the early Church, just non-canonical.
All
three of these manuscripts are considered Constantinian or early post-Constantinian,
which means that if the 50-Bible order had, in fact, established an official
list of New Testament books, it probably was not our current list. It certainly
was not Athanasius’s list. By the time the particular extra books were included
in Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus, their status in terms of canonicity had already
long been a matter of discussion in the Church.35 It appears that the early Church was not
_____________________
33 Hoover, “How Determined,” 5, “How
Chosen,” 47.
34 H. J. M. Milne and T. C. Skeat, The Codex Sinaiticus and The Codex
Alexandrinus (London, UK: Trustees of the British Museum, 1955), 35.
35 On the Shepherd of Hermas, see the Muratorian
Canon 73-76 (c. 200) and Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History 3.25.4 (prior to 325). On the
{114}
particularly
bothered when disputed books appeared in the Biblical manuscripts alongside
canonical ones. In addition to this, the debate over which books should or
should not be included in the New Testament continued to be an issue even after
Constantine. So, for example, when Cyril of Jerusalem provides a list of
canonical books in his Catechetical
Lectures (c. 350), it does not include the book of Revelation.36
Given
these facts, the idea that a particular selection of books in Constantine’s 50
Bibles would effectively lead to the closing of the New Testament canon seems
highly improbable.
VI. CONCLUSION
All
of the attempts to make Constantine out to be the father of our New Testament
canon turn out to be quite baseless. The leaping Bibles story of the
ninth-century Synodicon Vetus is both
too late and too fanciful to credit. In addition, both the form of text used in
Constantine’s 50 Bibles and the list of books included are entirely unknown. We
can say, however, that Vaticanus and Sinaiticus probably do not reflect either.
_____________________
Epistle
of Barnabas, see again Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History 3.25.4.
36 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical
Lectures 4.36 in Bruce M. Metzger, The
Canon of the New Testament: Its Origin, Development, and Significance (Oxford,
UK: Clarendon Press, 1987), 311.
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